{"id":573,"date":"2019-02-06T11:56:42","date_gmt":"2019-02-06T10:56:42","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/?p=573"},"modified":"2020-10-18T02:21:10","modified_gmt":"2020-10-18T00:21:10","slug":"fascicolo-14-2018","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/fascicolo-14-2018\/","title":{"rendered":"Issue 14 | 2018"},"content":{"rendered":"

Indice<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

Massimo de Leonardis<\/strong>,\u00a0Introduzione<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

Roberto Regoli e\u00a0\u00a0Giuliano Bianchi di Castelbianco<\/strong>, Il sistema politico-istituzionale e i rapporti Stato-Chiesa nella Repubblica di San Marino\u00a0<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

Abstract \u2013 The institutional political system of San Marino relates to the systems of contemporary democratic states. Because of its long history which includes unique roles and offices (e.g. the Captains Regent), its system is configured in a completely original way. The Republic of San Marino is a secular, non-denominational State which, however, has its historical foundation in Catholicism. There are common elements in the bilateral relationship between the Holy See and the Republic of San Marino that we can find in the relationship between the Church and the larger European States. There are also unique elements, though, due to the fact that the principles of the Catholic religion are part of the historical, cultural, and social heritage of the people of San Marino. These Catholic principles have contributed in forging the identity of the people, so much so that Catholicism, in its cultural and liturgical expressions, is the junction of public life in the State. San Marino is able to recognize the value of its religious culture.<\/p>\n

Alessia Chiriatti,<\/strong> NGOs and Humanitarian Diplomacy: The Case of IHH\u00a0(Humanitarian Relief Foundation)<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

Abstract<\/strong> \u2013 Osservando la politica estera turca degli ultimi decenni, \u00e8 possibile notare come il Paese abbia cominciato a utilizzare gli aiuti umanitari come uno strumento per affermare la propria diplomazia a livello regionale e globale. Uno sforzo che, a partire dal 2018, ha previsto per la Turchia una spesa di 7,2 miliardi di dollari americani. L\u2019impegno da parte di Ankara vede coinvolte non solo le istituzioni pubbliche, come la TIKA (la Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency), la Turkish Red Crescent e l\u2019AFAD (Disaster and Emergency Management Authority), ma anche le organizzazioni non governative, che si sono cos\u00ec viste riconoscere da parte della Turchia un ruolo importante per l\u2019implementazione della diplomazia umanitaria. Attraverso un approccio qualitativo, questo saggio ha come focus lo studio del ruolo delle organizzazioni umanitarie internazionali nel peace building turco, con un\u2019attenzione specifica all\u2019IHH (Humanitarian Relief Foundation), grazie ad un\u2019analisi delle azioni di quest\u2019ultima sul caso siriano. Verr\u00e0 inoltre analizzata la politica estera del Paese attraverso il ruolo e l\u2019azione degli attori non statali come strumento di soft power. Il periodo analizzato nel paper \u00e8 quello dell\u2019ultimo decennio.<\/p>\n

Giorgio Cella<\/strong>, La NATO, la Federazione Russa e l\u2019Ucraina dopo la Guerra Fredda<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

Abstract<\/strong> \u2013 The multiple crises that arose in the former Soviet space in recent years, think about Georgia and Ukraine, highlighted certain latent and still unsolved frictions between the West and Russia. This essay analyzes the root causes of these post-soviet geopolitical clashes. It shows how the current tensions with Moscow are actually a consequence of long-standing geopolitical asymmetries and historical misunderstandings that actually date back to the aftermath of the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The essay then covers the process of NATO enlargement and its new approach with Moscow and Kiev, as well as the issue known as the broken promise, relating to the historiographical controversy of NATO\u2019s eastward expansion. All of these issues, although chronologically less current than the aforementioned crises, are key to understanding the present geopolitics in Central and Eastern Europe.<\/p>\n

Camille Chenaux<\/strong>, Il \u201crischio\u201d del centrismo tedesco. Le elezioni federali tra il 1990 e il 2017<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

Abstract<\/strong> \u2013The article aims to analyse the trend of German federal elections from 1990 to 2017. The purpose is to show which were the factors that from 1990 to 2017 have remained unchanged in the determination of the German party scenario and that have slowly produced an ideological \u201ccentrism\u201d of the two mainstream parties: CDU\/CSU and SPD. Can we talk about a political-party \u201ccontinuum\u201d from reunification until today? The German political context of a persistence of that inheritance dating back to the reunification of a centre-periphery cleavage, according to the cleavage theory of Stein Rokkan, between East Germany and West Germany, seems \u201ca priori\u201d to give a positive answer to this question. Last September\u2019s federal election results would seem to be evidence of this heritage, which brought the establishment of the \u201cGrosse Koalition\u201d to the government and the rise of a right populist party: the AfD.<\/p>\n

Raffaella Baritono<\/strong>, L\u2019enigma “Stato” nella riflessione politica\u00a0e storiografica statunitense<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

Abstract<\/strong> \u2013 This essay deals with the new historiographical wave around the rise and development of the American State. In particolar, it outlines the ways in which American political scientists and political historians have reconfigured the analysis of the development of the American state by challenging the traditional vulgata of the United States as a \u201cstateless society\u201d. In addition it offers an insight on progressive and liberal social scientists\u2019 political and intellectual reflections, according to whom the rise of the administrative state was considered the only tool to face the increasing and pervasive role played by corporatations and so-called special interests.<\/p>\n

Gianluca Pastori<\/strong>, Speak softly and carry a big stick. Politica estera e uso della forza\u00a0negli Stati Uniti fra storia e attualit\u00e0*\u00a0<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

Abstract<\/strong>\u2013 Traditionally, force plays a central role in US foreign policy, with the willingness to wage war perceived as a key factor to define and compare the different administrations. The issue is deeply rooted in the American consciousness and dates back to the very origins of the United States as an international actor. It also reflects fundamental traits of the US political culture, like the concept of exceptionalism and the consequent vision of the United States as endowed with the \u201cmanifest destiny\u201d to expand their territorial and political influence in both the American continent and worldwide. Since the end of the Second World War, the US new international status has made the use of force even more important, with the end of the Cold War pushing the issue to the forefront. Since the Nineties, Republican and Democratic Presidents alike have been eager to wage war to both pursue US interests and promote US values, resorting to force in an unprecedented number of occasions and with greater frequency than any other country. In this perspective, the negative experience of the Iraqi campaign (2003-11) has not been the \u201creal\u201d watershed that some observers believed. President Obama\u2019s Wilsonian rhetoric has never affected his willingness to fight the Global War On Terror started by the \u201carch-hawk\u201d George W. Bush, while Donald Trump\u2019s Jacksonian promise to \u201cmake America great again\u201d has often moved in Obama\u2019s military footsteps. However, no real consensus has emerged on both the way in which force can act as a political and diplomatic instrument and the conditions that make this instrument useful in the American political toolbox: two sensitive and thorny issues that are deemed to trouble policymakers and the public debate for long years to come.<\/p>\n

Gli Autori<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

\u00c8 possibile scaricare i files della rivista integrale in\u00a0PDF<\/strong>\u00a0cliccando\u00a0qui<\/strong><\/em><\/a>, in\u00a0ePub cliccando\u00a0qui<\/em><\/strong>, in\u00a0mobi (formato Kindle) cliccando\u00a0qui<\/em><\/strong>.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Indice Massimo de Leonardis,\u00a0Introduzione Roberto Regoli e\u00a0\u00a0Giuliano Bianchi di Castelbianco, Il sistema politico-istituzionale e i rapporti Stato-Chiesa nella Repubblica di San Marino\u00a0 Abstract \u2013 The institutional political system of San Marino relates to the systems of contemporary democratic states. Because of its long history which includes unique roles and offices (e.g. the Captains Regent), its…<\/p>","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":740,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_uag_custom_page_level_css":"","_kad_blocks_custom_css":"","_kad_blocks_head_custom_js":"","_kad_blocks_body_custom_js":"","_kad_blocks_footer_custom_js":"","_kad_post_transparent":"","_kad_post_title":"","_kad_post_layout":"","_kad_post_sidebar_id":"","_kad_post_content_style":"","_kad_post_vertical_padding":"","_kad_post_feature":"","_kad_post_feature_position":"","_kad_post_header":false,"_kad_post_footer":false,"_kad_post_classname":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-573","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-archivio"],"taxonomy_info":{"category":[{"value":1,"label":"Archivio"}]},"featured_image_src_large":["https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/id_360296-721x1024.jpg",721,1024,true],"author_info":{"display_name":"Redazione EDUCatt","author_link":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/author\/redazione\/"},"comment_info":0,"category_info":[{"term_id":1,"name":"Archivio","slug":"archivio","term_group":0,"term_taxonomy_id":1,"taxonomy":"category","description":"","parent":0,"count":26,"filter":"raw","cat_ID":1,"category_count":26,"category_description":"","cat_name":"Archivio","category_nicename":"archivio","category_parent":0}],"tag_info":false,"uagb_featured_image_src":{"full":["https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/id_360296-scaled.jpg",1802,2560,false],"thumbnail":["https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/id_360296-150x150.jpg",150,150,true],"medium":["https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/id_360296-211x300.jpg",211,300,true],"medium_large":["https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/id_360296-768x1091.jpg",768,1091,true],"large":["https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/id_360296-721x1024.jpg",721,1024,true],"1536x1536":["https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/id_360296-1081x1536.jpg",1081,1536,true],"2048x2048":["https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/id_360296-1441x2048.jpg",1441,2048,true],"trp-custom-language-flag":["https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/12\/id_360296-scaled.jpg",8,12,false]},"uagb_author_info":{"display_name":"Redazione EDUCatt","author_link":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/author\/redazione\/"},"uagb_comment_info":0,"uagb_excerpt":"Indice Massimo de Leonardis,\u00a0Introduzione Roberto Regoli e\u00a0\u00a0Giuliano Bianchi di Castelbianco, Il sistema politico-istituzionale e i rapporti Stato-Chiesa nella Repubblica di San Marino\u00a0 Abstract \u2013 The institutional political system of San Marino relates to the systems of contemporary democratic states. Because of its long history which includes unique roles and offices (e.g. the Captains Regent), its...","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/573","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=573"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/573\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":833,"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/573\/revisions\/833"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/740"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=573"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=573"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.qdsp.it\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=573"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}