Fascicolo 22 | 2022

Questo numero 22 dei Political Science Notebooks spazia su diversi argomenti. In apertura, prendendo lo spunto dal recente XIII Trans-Regional Seapower Symposium organizzato a Venezia dalla Marina Militare italiana, si pubblica una riflessione di chi scrive sull’importanza del potere marittimo nella storia delle relazioni in- ternazionali moderna e contemporanea e della marittimità in tutti
i suoi aspetti, strategico, economico, commerciale e ambientale per la sicurezza e la prosperità globali del mondo attuale. Particolare attenzione è dedicata al caso dell’Italia, che nel corso della sua storia unitaria non ha valorizzato pienamente la sua marittimità, nono- stante la sua economia sia strettamente dipendente dal mare.


Massimo de LeonardisIntroduzione

Massimo de Leonardis, Il XIII Trans-Regional Seapower Symposium. L’importanza della marittimità a livello internazionale ed in particolare per lo Stato italiano

Abstract – The Symposium of Venice organized every two years by the Italian Military Navy started in 1996. Its XIII edition in October 2022 saw the participation of more than 50 navies from five continents. The leit motiv was the importance of the maritime dimension in all its aspects, strategic, economic, commercial and environmental, for the global security and pros-perity. The article describes the topics discussed at the Symposium, highlights the importance of maritime power in the history of international relations, and deals specifically with Italy, which, considering its geopolitical posture and its economy, should give more prominence to the maritime dimension.

Pier Paolo Alfei, I due tour di Umberto Nobile attraverso gli Stati Uniti e gli italiani d’America tra consenso

Abstract – The research aims to analyse the two propaganda tours that Umberto Nobile conducted across the United States between June 1926 and January 1927. The success of the First Transpolar Flight was in fact exploited by the Regime for a number of objectives, including the consolidation of the presence of the Italian American blackshirts. During the two tours, however, there were also protests against Nobile, was was considered an “emissary” of Mussolini. The essay is based on periodicals and archival documents mainly held by the Historical Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (ASMAE), the “Umberto Nobile” Documentation Center (CDUN), the “Umberto Nobile” Museum (MUN) and t he Central State Archive (ACS).

Mirosław Lenart, Il concetto del confine come chiave ermeneutica di riflessione sulla storia polacca.

Abstract – The article aims to define the concept of the border as an intellectual reference, which is functional to the representation of the peculiar way of inter-preting the history of Poland. The events of the Polish borders allow multiple reconstructions of influences, even if only of a linguistic or intercultural nature, from art to customes practiced by communities present in a multi-ethnic state or-ganization. Furthermore, for those who think in the Polish language, the concept of border has been codified throughout history in phrases such as: “Poland from sea to sea”, “bulwark of Christianity” or “kresy” [“border line”], which can hardly find a reference in the common imagineay of people who use a vocabulary belong-ing to other cultural codes. We add that all these expressions are exclusively related to meanings strictly related to a specific territory, therefore they possess their own emotional charge due to historical awareness, transmitted mainly during the edu-cational process and integrated by the baggage of personal experiences, which was acquired through communication with the surrounding world. The author, based on the studies by various historians, political scientists and even liturgists, demon-strates how much the concept of border is linked to a mentality based on ethical values, so characteristic of Polish culture. In this sense, a particular reference model in Polish culture is the so-called “miles christianus”, which perfectly represents the conjugation of the idea of spiritual struggle typical of monastic culture with the physical struggle in defense of Christianity.

Can Zeyrek, The Institutionalisation of Structural Uncertainty: An Analytical Framework – The Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Abstract – This article examines the determination of structural uncertainties with which a political transition is afflicted with. However, these uncertainties arising from a political transition are difficult to determine theoretically and em-pirically as the dimension of a state collapse after an ethnicised civil war and the post-conflict situation as in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is not systematically taken into account. These considerations give rise to the following research question: What are the regularities that could possibly lead to structural uncertainties at least for a limited period of time? In order to determine these uncertainties, a new 3-dimensional analytical framework is developed in this qualitative study, analysing and interpreting expert data from different indices. The results show that structural uncertainties can be localised in all 3 dimen-sions (clientelism, state-building, externally intervening variables) in BiH, in-stitutionalising, slowing down the democratisation process despite the (however dwindling) intervention of external democracy promoters.

Nicola Giannelli, La protesta radicale dei Gilet Gialli e il percorso della risposta istituzionale

Abstract – Yellow Vest Mouvement is a phenomenon of spontaneous mass dem-ostrations that took the streets in France since november 2018 thanks to social media information and coordination. It carried on until march 2019. Hundreds of thousands of people mobilized with only a light coordination and rejecting any request for greater institutionalization. They also rejected any form of identification with existing political and social representation because they be-lieved these organizations only represented themselves. The main concern of the people was defending their quality of life. A feeling of resentment or envy was directed at the most affluent social strata. They felt trapped in social disadvantage and they distrusted politicians of every kind, opposing the “real people” to the priv-ileged. The pulverization of the individual positions made an unitary representa-tion almost impossible. The distrust also concerned intermediate social bodies and this made social mediation impossibile as well. The President himself built his personal authority bypassing any social mediation. That’s why a second demand of the people was «a democracy more willing to listen to people’s needs». They asked President to find solutions or resign. As the protest gained a widespread support in the public opinion, the Government’s strategy of condemning the violent parts of the demonstrations without a policy change turned to be a failure. Journalists and politicians began to speak about the spontaneous anger as a source of social legitimacy of the protest. The refusal of political institutionalization of the move-ment became a further source of consensus. The Government’s second answer was a light economic support. What could maybe be enough at the beginning of the protest was not enough after a long mobilization. Here the President had an idea: he started a top-down mobilization and gave life to a National Public Debate that was a mass staging of a participatory process under presidential control. This “institutional” mobilization took the political stage for quite a long time without giving a real answer to the protesters’ concerns. The political crisis was overcome, but at the re-election of 2022 Macron lost the majority he had in Parliament.

Francesca Montemagno, “Giri di Valzer” e Regolamenti assembleari

Abstract – After assisting the Sicilian Region Assembly members’ turn of coat, where the phenomenon of the crossing the floor is widely spread, we want to evaluate the way in which the Sicilian Parliamentarians manage their relation-ship with the party and the voters, especially in the extreme interpretation of the imperative mandate’s prohibition.
Moreover, not only have the voters chosen a regional councilor, but also a party list, an electoral program, and an aspiring governor. They are more and more indignant in front of the atomistic behavior of the Regional Deputation, which moved by some personal interests and strategic choices, and not by a crisis of con-science, has changed with extreme carelessness its Parliamentary Group, even more than once during the same legislature. The Parliamentarian who turns their coat betrays both the voter and the party. To provide against this feeling of loss of sovereignty among the voters, the final proposal consists of a modification in the article 23 of the ARS Internal Regulation, which disciplines the Parliamentary groups’ constitution.
The modification process starts with a comparative analysis between the Sicilian and seven more Regional Councils’ Regulation. As a result, the intention is to make an evaluation of the possible normative instruments, typical of the Representative Assemblies’ Regulations, in order to obstruct the proliferation of the crossing the floor.

Gli Autori

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